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View Article  Call to Action: U.S. Senate to Pass New Bankruptcy Law that Preys on the Poor and Gives to the Rich

Call to Action: U.S. Senate to Pass New Bankruptcy Law that Preys on the Poor and Gives to the Rich


American Progress

This week the credit card industry – which raked in $30 billion in profits last year – storms the Congress in an attempt to squeeze a few more dimes from Americans who are sick or out of work. Starting today the Senate will consider a bill (S. 256) that would amend bankruptcy law to "make it harder for families struck by financial misfortune to get back on track." (Nine out of 10 bankruptcies "are triggered by the loss of a job, high medical bills or divorce.) The bill is supported in Congress by a bipartisan coalition on the credit industry dole. They think they can pass the bill without the American people noticing. Prove them wrong. Write your senators and tell them to reject the legislation in its current form.

MORE UNNECESSARY BUREAUCRACY: The bankruptcy bill is an attempt to prevent people from filing Chapter 7 bankruptcy – which gives people a clean slate – and make them file under Chapter 13, which requires continued payments to the credit card companies. In order to qualify for Chapter 7, Americans would be forced to complete a costly and bureaucratic means test. This additional red tape is almost completely unnecessary. According to a study commissioned by the nonpartisan American Bankruptcy Institute, 96.4 percent of people who file Chapter 7 can't afford to pay anything more. The real intent of the legislation is not to prevent people from abusing the system but to make it so burdensome to become eligible for Chapter 7 that people who would qualify can't afford it.

LIKE TAKING MONEY FROM A BABY: There is seemingly no limit to the depths to which the credit industry will go to seek an extra buck. The bill they are trying to push through Congress threatens the welfare of children by endangering child support. If a custodial parent is owed child support from someone declaring bankruptcy, the parent will be forced to fight with other creditors (like auto lenders) for the debtor's limited income – even after the bankruptcy is completed.

GIVING MILLIONAIRES A PASS: The bill on the Senate floor right now doesn't stop some of the worst abuses of our bankruptcy system. In several states – including the president's home in Texas – a multimillionaire can declare bankruptcy, avoid his debts, and still keep his palatial estate. We've seen it happen time and again: for example, "Marvin Warner, a former ambassador to Switzerland and the owner of a failed Ohio Savings & Loan, who paid off only a fraction of $300 million in bankruptcy claims while keeping his multi-million-dollar horse ranch near Ocala, Florida." Another example: "Dallas developer, Talmadge Wayne Tinsley, who filed under chapter 7 after incurring $60 million in debts. Tinsley objected to the Texas law that permitted him to keep only one acre of his $3.5 million, 3.1-acre magnolia-lined estate. But that acre included a five-bedroom, six-and-a-half-bath mansion with two studies, a pool and a guest house." The 2001 bankruptcy bill at least stopped these abuses by capping the so-called "homestead exemption" at $125,000. This bill has a complicated exemption that will allow "wealthy debtors who are sophisticated enough to plan ahead – and those are, after all, the people we are talking about – can purchase a homestead to shelter their non-exempt assets and simply wait [49 months] before filing their petition." (Share your thoughts about the bankruptcy bill on ThinkProgress.org)

THE WRONG BILL AT THE WRONG TIME: The bill, which would make it harder for people to recover from financial problems, comes at exactly the wrong time. More Americans families are struggling because median income is stagnant, health care costs are skyrocketing, college tuition has exploded and child care costs are up. Once families are hit with big medical bills or family members lose their jobs, bankruptcy is often their only option. (For more on this issue, see this American Progress report.)



Write your Senators here.  The text of the letter is prepared for you.


View Article  Getting The State Budget In Order
Getting The State Budget In Order


The Des Moines Register ran an article today detailing the Iowa House GOP budget outlay.



Iowa's cigarette tax won't be raised if House Republicans get their way.

House GOP leaders released a $4.8 billion state spending plan for the 2006 budget year that they said covers the rising cost of Medicaid, the state-federal health care program for the poor.

The plan, in addition to containing an $82 million school aid increase, sets aside an extra $40 million for targeted education programs.

The $40 million increase is about $100 million less than Gov. Tom Vilsack wants for an array of education initiatives: teacher pay, preschool and child care, school sharing incentives, and state support for the community colleges and state universities.

Conspicuously absent from the GOP plan is the 80-cents-per-pack cigarette tax increase recommended by Vilsack, a Democrat. The current tax is 36 cents a pack.

Setting a state budget that doesn't require any tax increase "is good news for taxpayers," said Rep. Bill Dix of Shell Rock, chairman of the House Appropriations Committee. An overall spending increase of 4 percent "ought to be enough."

...

Democratic legislative leaders heaped criticism on the Republican plan.

"It is based on deception and broken promises," said House Minority Leader Pat Murphy of Dubuque. He accused the GOP of reneging on promises to improve teacher quality and creating the illusion of a balanced budget while tapping cash reserves.

During the last four years, the Legislature has borrowed heavily from other funds in order to balance the state's general operating budget. Rather than repay all the money, the House GOP plan calls for writing off about $1 billion owed to a tobacco endowment and other funds.



What's missing from all of this is what has been alluded to this week, notably in David Yepsen's column:  the state is not building a firm financial footing on which to operate.

To be honest, this probably won't be settled one way or another until the Legislative deadlock is somehow broken - or we start having honest discussions about what the state's "priorities" are rather than having Stuart Iverson decide for the entire state what our "priorities" are.

The truth here is that Medicaid assistance is being slashed at the Federal level, and we're going to have to pick up the tab - and find creative ways to do so other than draining every cash reserve we can find and reducing educational funding, law enforcement funding, and nearly everything else.  Draining funding from a program that promised a certain service (like draining the Senior Living Trust Fund as Tom Vilsack's budget proposed) without 'killing' the program is about as dishonest as it gets in legislative terms.

John Drury was right the other day in this column:  Iowans need to have a serious dialogue about what we expect out of our government, and how we're going to pay for it.

The insistance by the Legislative GOP leadership that we're somehow "meeting Iowa's priorities" is a sham.  Maybe if we repeat it enough we might begin to believe it - or maybe not.  Iowans deserve more from our state government.  In 2005, we're not getting it.

View Article  Iowa to Face Federal Budget Cuts
Iowa to Face Federal Budget Cuts

Iowa Fiscal Partnership

Analysis: Bush Budget Whacks Iowa Services

New report projects Iowa cuts of nearly $580 million in federal spending

MOUNT VERNON, Iowa – A new report reveals sweeping cuts in services for Iowa in the budget proposed by [George W.] Bush.
 
A Washington budget watchdog group, the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities (CBPP), reports that Iowans would see cuts in federal grants in aid of more than $577 million from 2006 through 2010, including $178 million in 2010 alone.

"The administration is hiding the effects of its budget proposals as no administration has done in over 15 years," said David Osterberg, executive director of the nonpartisan Iowa Policy Project. "It's pretty hard for Iowans and other Americans to battle back on cuts the administration won't detail. Fortunately, this new report gives Iowans a better idea of what they're facing – and information they can use to talk to their representatives in Congress."

While the proposed budget details the cuts only for 2006, the CBPP analysis uses further information provided to congressional committees to make estimates of future cuts in several areas.

This is the first time since 1989 that an administration's budget has not provided information about the proposed funding levels for individual discretionary programs in years beyond the first year.

Nationally, [Bush's] budget would cut $214 billion in domestic "discretionary" spending in the five years. However, only the first $18 billion of those proposed cuts – cuts that would occur in 2006 – are identified by the administration.

"The pain in the budget comes mostly after 2006, with the cuts growing deeper with each passing year," said Sharon Parrott, CBPP director of welfare reform and income and the report’s lead author.

Among the Iowa cuts:
 
-- $3.7 million in 2010 in the supplemental nutrition program for women, infants and children (WIC), $5.1 million over the 2006-2010 period and a projected loss in number of recipients of 5,600.

-- $38.1 million in 2010 in elementary and secondary education, including education for the disadvantaged, impact aid, school improvement funding, and special education, $108.7 million in total projected cuts for 2006-2010.

-- $12.5 million in 2010 for vocational and adult education, $57.6 million in total projected cuts for 2006-2010.

-- $3.1 million in 2010 for low-income energy assistance, $4.1 million in total projected cuts for 2006-2010.

-- $9.1 million in 2010 for children and family services, including Head Start, services for abused and neglected children, and other children's programs, $26.2 million in total projected cuts for 2006-2010.

-- A loss of rental assistance vouchers for 3,800 families in 2010.

-- $23.2 million in 2010 in [Bush's] proposed "Strengthening America's Communities" initiative, $100.7 million in total projected cuts for 2006-2010.

"These cuts will be a new burden on the people in Iowa who can least afford to bear them," said Charles Bruner, executive director of the Child & Family Policy Center in Des Moines. "It is important for Iowans and all Americans to understand that the proposed cuts in these services do not provide deficit reduction. Instead, they will shift costs to state and local governments, and will be used to help pay for tax cuts that are primarily benefiting the wealthiest Americans."

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

The new analysis by the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, "Large Cuts to a Wide Range of Programs are Obscured in the Administration’s Budget," is available at the Center’s website: www.cbpp.org.

The Iowa Policy Project and the Child & Family Policy Center will make federal budget information available in the coming months through their joint initiative, the Iowa Fiscal Partnership, which is on the web at www.iowafiscal.org.

View Article  The Social Security Smear Campaign
The Social Security Smear Campaign


As we have seen over the past few years, there is a definite operating procedure behind selling radical right-wing ideology:  when you fail to make your case to the public, find outside groups to start running smear campaigns.

In this case, an astroturf seniors group called "USA Next" has brought on some advisors from Swift Boat fame.

Taking its cues from the success of last year's Swift boat veterans' campaign in the presidential race, a conservative lobbying organization has hired some of the same consultants to orchestrate attacks on one of President Bush's toughest opponents in the battle to overhaul Social Security.

The lobbying group, USA Next, which has poured millions of dollars into Republican policy battles, now says it plans to spend as much as $10 million on commercials and other tactics assailing AARP, the powerhouse lobby opposing the private investment accounts at the center of Mr. Bush's plan.

"They are the boulder in the middle of the highway to personal savings accounts," said Charlie Jarvis, president of USA Next and former deputy under secretary of the interior in the Reagan and first Bush administrations. "We will be the dynamite that removes them."

How do we become the 'dynamite'?  By doing their best to discredit the AARP on Fox News and right wing websites, apparently.  There is a big rundown (including the anti-AARP attack ads) on the website thereisnocrisis.com.

In the meantime, just in case the smear campaign doesn't work, it's also time to start confusing people.  The oft-confused Senator Norm Coleman (R-MN) stated his position very clearly:

Coleman said he was attacked during his 2002 campaign for favoring privatization. "I countered it by being very clear that I supported personal accounts and opposed privatization," he said.

What? 

However, Coleman has been very consistent on his use of doublespeak.

Why can't we hear an honest debate on what the difference is between "defined contribution" and "defined benefit" plans - which is what this private account push is all about.  It's not about the financial shape of Social Security any more than its about 'supporting the troops' or gay marriage.

View Article  It's All About Risk
It's All About Risk


While reading the Sunday Des Moines Register last weekend, there was an editorial that caught my eye:  "Allow Us To Chart Our Own Future".  In the editorial, Tim Albrecht, a young staff worker in the Iowa Legislature discusses his desire for personal accounts, but begins his argument with this question:

[But] How do we ensure that ours and future generations remain secure in retirement?

The analysis that follows is confusing at best, dangerous at worst.

I will make a statement here that many seniors (and money managers), looking at experience will probably agree with:  Your Social Security contribution is not enough to provide you with a comfortable retirement.

There needs to be more than just a contribution of "12% of your paycheck" to secure your retirement.  Retirement savings have been described by others as being a "three-legged stool", each leg having its own risks and rewards. 

Personal Savings and Assets

Savings and Assets is what you spend a lifetime working for.  In the case of most people, the main "asset" will be a house that you have finally paid off by the time you retire.  There might also be savings accounts, mutual funds, stock purchases - or even the cash you keep under your mattress.

What's been happening in modern times?  Personal savings have been suffering.  Housing costs have escalated, putting more "personal savings" money into paying off interest on larger home mortgages.  Consumer debt is at all time highs.

Employer Provided Pensions

This part has been flucuating for the past 20-30 years.  My generation (35 and under) are unlikely to ever see a "pension" the way our grandfathers did.  In their place is the ubiquitous 401(k) plan - often matched with either cash, or oftentimes company stock.

Pensions have seen the largest shift in risk management - 401(k) plans remove the risk of a company providing a "defined benefit" sometime in the future, to a "defined contribution" now.  With the defined benefit pension, managers of pension funds had to manage contributions to the fund to insure that their investments returned a profit to the fund over the long haul.  If not, then the company had to fill in the money needed to provide pensions with revenue from their business operations.

With 401(k) plans, employers no longer have to manage that type of risk.  Instead, the employer contribues a benefit now to an individual account - so the company will never have to worry about "filling in" shortfalls.  The employee instead has to worry about that 401(k) portfolio - and about making that last for the duration of their retired years.

More nefarious:  the company 'contribution' being in the form of company stock.  If the company falters (there have been many examples lately), the company owes nothing to their employees, who now hold a worthless retirement portfolio.

Social Security

This is the one part that is the most stable "investment" we make.  Social Security is the one leg on the stool that has been constant through every boom and depression since 1940 or so.  Social Security will likely not allow you to have the "luxurious retirement" one usually hopes for - it might be enough to help you manage the smaller costs of home ownership (or cheap rental) and buy groceries.

As it stands today, Social Security pensions are the buffer that can keep you out of poverty when everything else fails, and you cannot work to support yourself.

Who Takes The Risk?

So far, we've seen that the risks involved with retirement savings have been dropping for institutions, like employers - and rising for individuals, who have to shoulder those risks alone.

Now, when we talk about pushing the risk of managing a "Social Security" portfolio away from a large group - like the Social Security Administration - and on to individual citizens, suddenly the individual is taking on all of the risk involved in saving for retirement.

Business publications talk constantly about minimizing risk - because company profits (and stock prices) depend on the choices you make.  It's far better in the eyes of a business to force "the industry" to take on a risk (for example, semiconductor manufacturers funding research together) or to push risk onto "the government" (agriculture, airlines).

The same principle should apply to individuals - we're more likely to succeed if risk is externalized.  Traditional retirement planning splits risk between individuals, their employers, and the government.  Over the past 30 years, employers have removed themselves from the equation, leaving individuals to manage growing risks - with Social Security being the safety net.  Phasing-out Social Security will take away that safety net altogether, which balances our "stool" entirely on one leg:  individual investments and savings.

The stakes here are high:  if an individual "succeeds", they will enjoy a safe and secure retirement.  If they "fail", we will return to the situation where the elderly relied on their children, or on public and private welfare systems - which was the situation before the New Deal stepped in to provide individuals the tools to manage the risks of saving for retirement.

So, back to the original question:

How do we ensure that ours and future generations remain secure in retirement?

The only way we ensure security is the way business ensure security:  risk management.  Phasing out Social Security will  remove our ability to externalize risk - leaving us with only the option to place all of our trust in the markets, like Americans did before 1929.

A cursory glance at history tells us that trusting the markets whole-heartedly is the largest "faith-based initiative" we could take on.

View Article  WOMEN DESERVE MORE SOCIAL SECURITY, NOT LESS
  WOMEN DESERVE MORE SOCIAL SECURITY, NOT LESS

MinutemanMedia

by Martha Burk

As we all know from the State of the Union speech, [Bush] is pushing hard - on his own party as well as the Democrats - to privatize Social Security. While some of his folks know carving private accounts out of the present system is a non-starter, they’re still trying to figure a way to please their [pResident] and still get re-elected next year. Representative Bill Thomas, chair of the House Ways and Means Committee and a heavy-hitter in the debate, recently floated the idea of "gender and race adjusting” benefits. Thomas strongly implied that since women live longer than men, their checks should be reduced so an equivalent amount of money would stretch over the additional years.  

Great. Women already have lower benefits than men because they make less over their lifetimes due to pay discrimination and years spent out of the workforce caring for kids and elderly parents, so Thomas’ idea adds insult to injury. But putting aside the fact that gender or race-based benefits would be against the law, Thomas ought to consider some “adjustments” that would really be fair to women.

In 2003, the last full year for which we have Census Bureau earnings data for full-time, year-round workers, women earned only 75.5 cents for every $1 men earned. Adjusting women's benefits upward to compensate for that lower pay, would mean an increase in their benefits of 32.5 percent to bring them in line with men's benefits.

Making race based adjustments could help Hispanic and African American women even more. Hispanic women earn only 52.5 cents for each $1 earned by non-Hispanic white men, and African American women earned only 62.5 cents. So Hispanic women would need a 90 percent adjustment and African American women a 60 percent upward adjustment to bring their benefits into line with white men’s.

And, if Rep. Thomas wants to compensate women for the time they spend out of the labor market caring for children and other family members, the upward adjustment would have to be much larger. The Institute for Women’s Policy Research recently estimated that the typical woman earns just 38 cents for each $1.00 the typical man earns over a lifetime, taking years out of the workforce into account. Since Social Security benefits are based on the highest 35 years of earnings (and the years women spend at home are averaged in at $0). To compensate women for the impact of this lost time doing unpaid care work, women's benefits would need to be increased by 163 percent, more than double.  

Of course, privatizing Social Security would make all of these inequities worse, not better, since women have fewer pennies to invest in that great casino we call the stock market.

The National Council of Women’s Organizations sent a strongly worded letter to Thomas, urging him and his colleagues get serious about strengthening Social Security in ways that preserve and improve benefits for all those who rely on it, including women. The system is not in crisis, but it will be if it’s starved by taking money out through risky privatization schemes. Congress ought to be working to stop that plan, not proposing ways to further disadvantage women through disproportionate benefit cuts.


Martha Burk is a political psychologist who heads the Center for Advancement of Public Policy in Washington, D.C., a think tank focusing on the wisdom of providing for more equal treatment of women in society.  She can be found at MinutemanMedia.org.
View Article  Former Iowan Comments on No Tax Under 30 Plan
Here is a very well written editorial found on today's New York Times web site. Interestingly enough, it was found on the most emailed stories section of the site.  A former Iowan takes a hard look at the No Tax Under 30 Plan.

Keeping Iowa's Young Folks at Home After They've Seen Minnesota

By VERLYN KLINKENBORG

Lately the Iowa Legislature has been trying to find a way to solve a basic problem: how to keep young people from leaving the state. Right now, Iowa's "brain drain" is second only to North Dakota's. The Legislature is toying with a simple idea, getting rid of state income tax for everyone under 30. This proposal was front-page news in California, where most of Iowa moved in the 1960's.

Let me translate the economics of this plan. The State Legislature proposes to offer every young tax-paying Iowan a large delivery pizza - or its cash equivalent, about $12 - every week of the year. But smart young Iowans know this is only an average figure. The more you earn, the more state income tax you save.

If ever there were an incentive to earn your first hundred million by the time you're 30, this would be it. Never mind that South Dakota, right next door, charges no income tax no matter how old you are.

Of course, there are serious questions about financing this tax break, which could cost as much as $200 million a year. The best bet would be to require young people to spend their dole on the Iowa Lottery.

Iowans are resolutely practical about such proposals. One state legislator, quoted in The Minneapolis Star Tribune, said: "Let's face it. Des Moines will never be Minneapolis." He might have added that Council Bluffs would never be Kansas City. Another Iowan, when asked what the state needed to keep its young people, said, "An ocean would help." This is the kind of big thinking Iowa has always been famous for.

But $600, the average yearly state income tax for Iowan 20-somethings, is not enough to undo decades of social erosion. The problems Iowa faces are the very solutions it chose two and three generations ago. The state's demographic dilemma wasn't caused by bad weather or high income taxes or the lack of a body of water larger than Rathbun Lake - an Army Corps of Engineers reservoir sometimes known as "Iowa's ocean." It was caused by the state's wholehearted, uncritical embrace of industrial agriculture, which has depopulated the countryside, destroyed the economic and social texture of small towns, and made certain that ordinary Iowans are defenseless against the pollution of factory farming.

These days, all the entry-level jobs in agriculture - the state's biggest industry - happen to be down at the local slaughterhouse, and most of those jobs were filled by the governor's incentive, a few years ago, to bring 100,000 immigrant workers into the state.

Business leaders all across Iowa have been racking their brains to think of ways to spur economic development. But nearly every idea leaves industrial agriculture intact. That means a few families living amid vast tracts of genetically modified soybeans and corn, with here and there a hog confinement site or a cattle feedlot to break the monotony.

People love to blame the death of America's small towns on the coming of Wal-Mart, but in Iowa, Wal-Mart is just a parasite preying on the remains of a way of life that ended years ago. Every farming crisis - they seem to come at least once a decade - has shaken a few more farmers out of the business, consolidating land holdings and decreasing the rural population that actually depends on small towns to do business in. The complex connection between town and country that characterized the state when I lived there has long since been broken.

There is not enough life in the small towns of Iowa to keep a young person, and there is no opportunity on the land. The state faces an excruciating paradox. It can foster economic development of a kind that devours farmland - the sort of thing that is happening around Des Moines. Or it can try to reimagine the nature of farming, with certain opposition from farmers themselves and without any help from the federal government, which has fostered industrial agriculture for decades.

I used to joke that Iowa's two leading crops were rural poverty and crystal meth. But it's not a joke. The fact is that Iowa is a beautiful state. Minneapolis isn't that far away. Iowa would be a great place to live, if only the air and the water weren't polluted and you could be sure you wouldn't find yourself living next to 10,000 sows in a hog prison. There was a time, well within my dad's memory, when Iowa's agriculture was diversified and when the towns were rich in a culture of their own devising.

I grew up in the latter days of such a town, and I find it hard to imagine a better place to have been a kid.

My family moved away from Iowa in 1966, for reasons that had to do with my mother's health and not with economics or even the decline in pheasant hunting. I'd like to say I stared out the rear window as we pulled out of town, watching the state of my boyhood recede, but I didn't. We were going to California, which trumps Minneapolis. I was lucky to leave before I knew I would need to.

View Article  Budgetary Woes
 Budgetary Woes


The budget is on the minds of everyone these days, and is causing many people some major heartburn.

For example - just how is Nussle going to run for governor if he has to back immediate severe cuts in Agricultural programs?   There was some nice "act tough but duck the consequences" rhetoric from Mr. Nussle yesterday:


 "The Congress doesn't have to stick to these (White House) priorities," said Senate Budget Committee Chairman Judd Gregg, a New Hampshire Republican.

 "There are some programs in there I have heartburn about."

 House Budget Committee Chairman Jim Nussle, an Iowa Republican, warned his panel not to refuse spending cuts unless they could come up with alternative savings.

 "Put up or shut up," he said. "You've got to come forward with a proposal. It's not good enough to just complain."

 But Nussle admitted he was worried about proposed farm-aid cuts which could affect Iowa, a farming state where he may run for governor. "I don't like some of the cuts I've seen in the agricultural budget," he said.


Not only is Nussle having issues, but that presicription drug benefit "reform" to Medicare is having some serious issues:


 The White House released budget figures yesterday indicating that the new Medicare prescription drug benefit will cost more than $1.2 trillion in the coming decade, a much higher price tag than President Bush suggested when he narrowly won passage of the law in late 2003.

 The projections represent the most complete picture to date of how much the program will cost after it begins next year. The expense of the new drug benefit has been a source of much controversy since the day Congress approved it, with Democrats and some Republicans complaining that the White House has consistently low-balled the expected cost to the government.

 As recently as September, Medicare chief Mark B. McClellan said the new drug package would cost $534 billion over 10 years. Last night, he acknowledged that the cumulative cost of the program between 2006 and 2015 will reach $1.2 trillion, but he cited several major savings and offsets that he said will reduce the federal government's bottom-line cost to $720 billion.


It seems that Chuck Grassley, the "lead architect" forgot to include a roof, and didn't notice the leaky basement, either.

The biggest question that Iowans (and Americans) need to ask:  just where is all of this money going that we can't afford to pay for, well, anything?

Paul Krugman addressed this yesterday in reference to the ongoing Social Security phase-out debate:


The attempt to "jab a spear" through Social Security complements the strategy of "starve the beast," long advocated by right-wing intellectuals: cut taxes, then use the resulting deficits as an excuse for cuts in social spending. The spearing doesn't seem to be going too well at the moment, but the starving was on full display in the budget released yesterday.

To put that budget into perspective, let's look at the causes of the federal budget deficit. In spite of the expense of the Iraq war, federal spending as a share of G.D.P. isn't high by historical standards - in fact, it's slightly below its average over the past 20 years. But federal revenue as a share of G.D.P. has plunged to levels not seen since the 1950's.

Almost all of this plunge came from a sharp decline in receipts from the personal income tax and the corporate profits tax. These are the taxes that fall primarily on people with high incomes - and in 2003 and 2004, their combined take as a share of G.D.P. was at its lowest level since 1942. On the other hand, the payroll tax, which is the main federal tax paid by middle-class and working-class Americans, remains at near-record levels.

You might think, given these facts, that a plan to reduce the deficit would include major efforts to increase revenue, starting with a rollback of recent huge tax cuts for the wealthy. In fact, the budget contains new upper-income tax breaks.



Any of this false posturing from our Republican reps is dishonest at a very basic level:  they pretend to "fight" for programs (and a society) that they don't believe in.

In the meantime, phasing out Social Security, destroying Medicare by bankrupting it, and slashing the very programs that protect average Americans from basic economic security put on full display what this is all about - an attack on the very foundations of economic security that average Americans have relied on for the better part of this century.

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